Age, Race, and Gender in Organizations

F.J. Landy , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

Demographic variables are often called 'boxcar variables' because they carry a skillful deal of freight with them. For an organizational psychologist, the historic period, gender, and race of a workforce are particularly interesting. Age and gender have a good bargain of relevance for physically demanding jobs, just are largely irrelevant for most other jobs. Race has no relevance for predicting performance in whatever occupation. It is often assumed that demographic stereotypes influence the decisions of managers in piece of work settings. Recent research on the process of individuation has shown this supposition to be without merit.

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Kid Development at the Intersection of Race and SES

Amanda L. Roy , ... Melissa Uribe , in Advances in Kid Development and Behavior, 2019

5.2.3 Covariates

Demographic variables were collected from primary caregivers at baseline and were used in path models. Youth gender was dummy coded such that females were coded as one and males were coded every bit 0. Age is reported in years. Race/ethnicity was coded so that African–American/Black is 1 and Latinx is 0. The majority of youth and their parents were born in the United States, only xiv.4% of parents or youth were born outside the United States Because of the relatively low rates we chose not to use this indicator as a variable in our analyses.

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Income Distribution: Demographic Aspects

D. Lam , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

Demographic variables tin have important effects on the distribution of income. This article discusses furnishings on inequality of three demographic variables: (a) age structure; (b) marriage and household limerick; and (c) differential fertility by income. Inquiry in each area demonstrates the complex dynamics of demographic modify and measures of dispersion, with few simple predictions coming out of either theoretical or empirical analysis. The effects of age structure include both within-cohort and between-cohort effects. Theoretical and empirical analysis suggest that population aging is associated with an increase in within-cohort inequality. The between-cohort component is less predictable, even so, and may neutralize the effect of rise within-accomplice inequality. Like decompositions are important in understanding the role of wedlock. Increasing correlations in spouses' earnings have had a disequalizing effect in the U.s.a. in recent decades, but this has been get-go by declining inequality in women's wages. These offsetting components lead to widely differing conclusions about the role of increasing women'south labor supply on family income inequality. The furnishings on inequality of differential fertility beyond income classes depends on patterns in intergenerational mobility. Models combining population dynamics with economical–demographic interactions accept produced useful insights most the circuitous relationship between differential fertility and inequality.

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Household in Anthropology

S.J. Yanagisako , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

3.1 Demographic Variables

Demographic variables affect the size and composition of households, thus acting as constraints on the attainment of the culturally ideal household type. Age at marriage, life expectancy, and fertility shape the composition of households at any given time in a population. The economy of the household is too shaped by demographic processes. Among peasants for whom the household is the unit of production, changes in the demographic construction of the household as it moves through the developmental wheel entail changes in the ratio of consumers to workers (Chayanov 1966).

Fortes'due south (1958) model of the developmental cycle of domestic groups draws on these demographic processes to explicate the varieties of domestic groups found in a society. Fortes hypothesized that the variety of household types plant in a community or guild at whatever point in time are merely different phases in the developmental cycle of a 'single general form.' As all households pass through different stages of the developmental bicycle at different times, a census taken at a particular bespeak in time will grab only a few in the ideal, consummate phase. Hence, an ideal household type such equally the patrilineal stem family household of Japan (which includes a married couple, their adult son and his wife and children) is improve regarded equally 'a transitory state in the development of the household, rather than every bit a form' (Hammel 1975, p. 142).

Fortes's model has been useful in helping usa sympathize the bear upon of events such as birth, marriage, and death on the composition of households. It cannot account for all the observed variation in households, however, because other cultural and social forces (run across below) are also involved. Fortes himself afterwards (1978, p. 18) conceded that a model of a uniform developmental bicycle could not explain why the actual histories of dissimilar families entail different developmental sequences. The model may besides bullheaded us to historical shifts wherein more than recently formed households embark on a different trajectory than older ones. In addition, while demographic factors undoubtedly shape households, information technology is a mistake to treat them as exogenous, biological constraints on the limerick and economy of households. To do so confuses social replacement with biological reproduction and overlooks the strategies people actively employ to command household size and composition, including their 'kinship' practices of marriage, fosterage, adoption, timing and spacing of births, and timing of family division. The drove of longitudinal data on households, whether by utilizing historical sources or through retrospective oral histories, is necessary for understanding both continuity and change. Cohort analysis is an effective tool for helping ascertain similarities and differences in the household histories of members of successive cohorts, divers on the basis of year of nascency, spousal relationship, or other historically meaning events experienced by the members of a customs.

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Infant and Child Mortality: Central and Eastern Europe

J. Rychtařková , in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

2.3 Demographic and Social Factors in Infant Bloodshed

Demographic variables such as the mother's historic period and nascency lodge have J-shaped profiles in conventional studies of infant mortality patterns. Differentials according to age and birth order are more than pronounced in the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland than in Belgium, for example. The increment in the infant mortality rate is peculiarly hitting after the historic period of 35 and for birth orders four and more. Co-ordinate to a special study for the Czechia from the menstruum of 1986–92 (Rychtaříková 1999), the negative impact of higher birth social club can besides be seen in the interaction with mother's age (Tabular array one). The results apropos relative risks (controlled for birth weight, elapsing of gestation, sex, mother'southward education, and marital status) suggest that to have an boosted child at an 'inappropriate' age is risky. Thus, to have a second child at an age less than 20, to have a third child in the age group 20–24, or to take a third or fourth child at historic period 25–29 implies an elevated death take a chance for the child. Birth order also has social implications, because a higher relative take chances of infant death is observed for children of a higher nativity order even when the child has a normal birth weight (2,500g or more than).

Table 1. Czech republic 1986–92. Interaction of mother's historic period and birth order (relative risks adapted for nascency weight, gestation, marital status, and educational activity)

Birth order
Mother'due south age 1 2 3 4+
−19 1.038 1.563 1.006
20–4 one i.269 ane.818 1.357
25–ix 0.951 1.065 1.394 1.508
thirty–iv 0.986 0.969 1.111 i.249
35+ 1.262 i.102 one.105 1.384

Two Central European countries (the Czechia and Hungary) have a slope of historic period-specific infant mortality rates according to marital status similar to that of Kingdom of belgium (Table 2). Lower values are experienced by children built-in to married women than to single, divorced, or widowed mothers (Rychtaříková 1995). In Belgium, differences in pregnancy outcomes are smaller between married and single mothers than in both these Central European countries. However, the pattern is inverted when the outcomes according to marital status are combined with low nascence weight. Infants weighing less than ii,500 g have a meliorate hazard of survival when born to a single mother than when the mother is married (Syrovátkar and Rychtaříková 1984). A higher frequency of low birth weight in single mothers results in a college crude (nonadjusted) baby mortality charge per unit.

Table 2. Infant mortality rate according to mother's marital status per 1,000 live births (singletons) combined with nascency weight (grand)

Single
Nativity Weight Czech Rep. 1988 Republic of hungary 1988 Belgium 1988 Czech Rep. 1992
−2499 93.7 xc.4 85.0 87.four
2500+ 7.1 eleven.two 5.eight iv.four
Total 15.5 24.0 eleven.ix 12.8
Married
Nativity Weight Czech Rep. 1988 Republic of hungary 1988 Belgium 1988 Czech Rep. 1992
−2499 115.iii 112.8 86.0 99.seven
2500+ 4.9 5.3 4.3 3.8
Total nine.half dozen thirteen.1 seven.9 7.ix
Divorced/Widowed
Birth Weight Czech Rep. 1988 Hungary 1988 Kingdom of belgium 1988 Czech Rep. 1992
−2499 130.9 121.15 vii.7 96.3
2500+ 6.3 eight.8 3.4 6.vii
Total 17.7 26.vii 8.1 14.5
Total
Birth Weight Czech Rep. 1988 Republic of hungary 1988 Belgium 1988 Czech Rep. 1992
−2499 113.7 109.6 84.8 97.6
2500+ five.ane 5.nine iv.4 3.9
Full x.one 14.5 8.3 8.5

The impact of the pedagogy of mothers as a determinant of infant mortality could be questionable in an egalitarian society with weak social-course differentiation, and where wellness care and social opportunities are attainable to anybody. However, educational activity is likewise a proxy for socioeconomic condition and lifestyle. When birth weight is disregarded, the infant mortality charge per unit decreases when the mother's educational level increases, as illustrated in Tabular array 3. This pattern is also valid for children born in normal birth-weight categories. For lower nascence weight (less than ii,500 one thousand), a similar inversion occurred in the Czech Commonwealth in 1988 and 1992. In this weight class, children built-in to mothers with no more than a basic educational activity had the everyman infant risk of death. This phenomenon has also been documented in the U.s. Afro-American population (Wilcox and Russel 1990).

Table 3. Infant mortality rate co-ordinate to female parent's education per i,000 live births (singletons) combined with birth weight (yard)

Basic
Birth Weight Czech Rep. 1988 Hungary 1988 Czech Rep. 1992
−2499 102.2 105.0 86.0
2500+ 7.0 7.7 6.5
Full 15.0 xx.vii xiv.5
Vocational
Birth Weight Czech Rep. 1988 Hungary 1988 Czech Rep. 1992
−2499 110.3 94.4 106.4
2500+ five.1 8.8 4.2
Full nine.ix xv.four 9.1
Secondary and College
Birth Weight Czech Rep. 1988 Hungary 1988 Czech Rep. 1992
−2499 126.4 115.7 96.2
2500+ four.5 iv.9 2.nine
Total viii.7 11.2 half-dozen.2

During the flow of postsocialist transition, children in formerly socialist countries have been more afflicted past the increase in poverty than other traditionally vulnerable population groups, such as the elderly. A number of countries likewise show some prove of increasing child maltreatment, including the detrimental apply of child labor. In Central and Southeastern Europe, unemployment and losses in family unit benefits accept penalized families with children; in the successor republics of the FSU countries, an additional cistron has been the dramatic rise in wage inequality. Also reflecting the effect of unfavorable social settings is the excess postneonatal mortality in Romania, Moldova, Ukraine, and Bulgaria (Fig. one(a)). When child mortality rates at ages i–4 and 15–19 years are correlated, most FSU countries show increased risks for teenagers. With the weakening of social controls, new threats have arisen—drinking, smoking, drug abuse, sexually transmitted diseases, accidents, poisonings, and violence. The reappearance of diseases of poverty, including tuberculosis, has been reported among children. Historical inequalities observed at the starting time of this century are re-emerging today considering of currently growing contrasts between former socialist countries in infant and kid survival, including mother'due south health. In 1995, the maternal mortality rate ranged from about five maternal deaths per one,000,000 alive births in Central Europe (except Republic of hungary) to more than than 40 in Russia, Moldova, and Romania. Factors known as risky for pregnancy or infant/child survival have been significant in FSU countries, as well as in Romania and Bulgaria, where the ratio of legal abortions to live births—every bit well as the share of births to mothers below historic period 20—is high as compared with Primal Europe. All countries in transition have poor access to health services and screening. The responsibility for monitoring children has been shifting from schools to parents. The system of family unit support has been eroded considerably during the period of transition. The observed deterioration of public health and family back up systems has been disproportional, equally has the evolution of infant/kid mortality. Currently, four dissimilar regions are emerging in kid health and infant mortality, namely, Fundamental Europe, Southeastern Europe, the Baltic countries, and the other successor countries to the former Soviet Matrimony.

Figure 1. (a) Mortality rates of infants below age 1 yr in 1995; (b) child mortality rates in 1995

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Affirmative Action

David A. Kravitz , in Encyclopedia of Applied Psychology, 2004

4.2.1.3 Didactics

The third demographic variable that has received the most attention is education. Some of the most meaning work on education has used information technology as a moderator of other predictors in the context of tests between competing theories. When the master result of education has been assessed, the result has varied with respondent race. The relation between pedagogy and support for affirmative activeness is usually positive among African Americans and is usually nonsignificant or negative among Whites. This latter upshot is anomalous because education is besides associated with decreased racial prejudice and increased political liberalism, both of which predict support for affirmative action. This relationship between educational activity and support for affirmative action amongst Whites merits closer investigation.

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The Impact of Regular Cannabis Employ on the Man Encephalon

Valentina Lorenzetti , ... Murat Yücel , in Biological Research on Addiction, 2013

Demographic Data

Examination of demographic variables across the reviewed studies revealed a number of interesting trends. The sample size in the reviewed studies varied greatly, ranging from 10 to 47 in CB users and betwixt 8 and 44 in HC. However, most of the studies to date are characterized by a small sample size, i.e. ≤18 participants in each group in xiv studies. Well-nigh of the literature examined adult participants, with mean age values ranging from eighteen to twoscore years in CB users and from eighteen to 36 years in HC, and there was a paucity of investigations examining adolescents (i.e. three studies: historic period range, 17.6–17.8 years in CB users and 17.ii–17.5 years in HC). Sex was unequally distributed across studies, with a higher number of males than females being examined. In fact, the reviewed studies were equanimous predominately of males or exclusively of males, with the exception of i study that consisted of a balanced distribution of males and females. In summary, most of the structural imaging literature to date examined adult samples with a express number of participants and composed mostly males.

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Wellness Care Demand, Empirical Determinants of

South.H. Zuvekas , in Encyclopedia of Wellness Economic science, 2014

Demographic Determinants

Among the demographic variables, age and sex appear universally. 5 studies used life expectancy (or time to death) in addition to or in place of age, arguing that life expectancy is a stronger predictor of health care employ. A number of studies included interaction terms betwixt age and sex, allowing for the effects of age to vary with sexual activity, and vice versa. A few ran separate models stratified by sex, assuasive for the effects of all determinants to vary by sex. Measures of race, ethnicity, or cultural grouping were included in 49 of the studies. Studies without such measures tended to come from countries with more homogenous populations. Education status (number of years or degrees) was almost universal. Similarly, most included some combination of marital status and/or household composition (eastward.g., number of family members). More than 2-thirds of the studies included geographic indicators such as locality and/or living in an urban or rural area.

Finally, about all the studies that used data pooled beyond more than 1 year included some time or trend dimension in the model. With health care use generally increasing over time, information technology is important to capture overall shifts in wellness care demand.

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Demographic Adjustments to WAIS–Four/WMS–IV Norms

James A. Holdnack , Larry Grand. Weiss , in WAIS-Four, WMS-IV, and ACS, 2013

Intercorrelation of WAIS–IV/WMS–IV Full Demographically Adjusted Scores

Adjusting scores by demographic variables changes the human relationship between scores both within and between test batteries. A detailed presentation of this phenomenon is presented in the Advanced Clinical Solutions Clinical and Interpretation Manual ( Pearson, 2009). For the purposes of this chapter, it is important to take a general sense of the change in the relationship between variables of interest. In general, the correlations among WAIS–Four subtests and indexes are lower after applying demographic corrections. The correlations among WAIS–IV age-adjusted verbal subtests range from 0.64 to 0.74; however, applying full demographic adjustments reduces that range to 0.50 to 0.63. The WAIS–Four Index correlations range from 0.45 to 0.86 only simply from 0.29 to 0.81 for fully adjusted T-scores. Increased variability amidst the WAIS–4 subtests and indexes should be expected when using demographically adjusted scores.

For the WMS–Iv, the correlations are lower when demographic norms are applied although differences are smaller than those observed for the WAIS–Iv. Age-adapted verbal memory subtest correlations range from 0.37 to 0.87 and for full demographic adjustments the range is from 0.36 to 0.84. The age-adapted index correlations range from 0.48 to 0.87 and from 0.39 to 0.85 for full demographic adjustments. Correlations betwixt the WAIS–Four and WMS–IV are besides lower when applying demographic adjustments. For age-adjusted indexes, the correlations range from 0.40 to 0.71, while the range is from 0.30 to 0.61 for total demographic adjustments. Clinicians should await more dissociation amid memory measures and between intellectual and memory functioning when using demographically adjusted norms. Greater variability does non indicate pathology but is a directly outcome of lower between test correlations (run across Chapter 3, which discusses Variability in WAIS–IV/WMS–IV examination scores).

The practical implication, still, is that when using demographically-adjusted norms a clinician is somewhat more than probable to see greater variability between index scores. Index departure scores are oft used to back up an inference of caused cerebral impairment. The clinician simply needs to be enlightened, withal, that some of this difference, when using demographically-adapted norms, results from how controlling variance owing to demographic variables reduces the correlation between indexes—thus information technology is in office a psychometric gene that needs to exist considered.

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Neuroepidemiology

One thousand.R. Peck , ... T.A. Smitherman , in Handbook of Clinical Neurology, 2016

Risk factors and migraine progression

In addition to demographic variables, several other factors contribute to an individual's likelihood of developing migraine. The majority of migraineurs accept a family unit history of migraine, suggesting that genetic predisposition also plays a major function. A Danish population-based twin study found that pairwise concordance rates for migraine with aura were significantly college in monozygotic (34%) than dizygotic twins (12%: Ulrich et al., 2001). These and other family and twin studies point that variants and polymorphisms of certain genes may be responsible for some forms of migraine, only the influences for the mutual forms of migraine are likely polygenetic and however poorly understood (Ducros et al., 2002).

Modifiable risk factors are those related to the individual'southward environment and lifestyle that portend increased run a risk for developing migraine, for headache progression, or that precipitate individual headache attacks (i.due east., "triggers"). While the majority of migraineurs somewhen see a decrease in frequency and some will get headache-free within months or years, a small-scale percentage feel a gradual increase in frequency of attacks over time. Approximately iii% of headache sufferers feel headache "chronification," or progression from episodic migraine (<   15 headache days per month) to chronic migraine (≥   15 headache days per calendar month; Scher et al., 2003). This increase in frequency reflects further sensitization of an already-hypersensitive fundamental nervous system both within and betwixt attacks (i.eastward., primal sensitization). Emerging enquiry on chronification indicates that overuse of acute headache medications (>   ii   days/week; Bigal et al., 2008) and onset or exacerbation of comorbid medical and psychiatric disorders are potent risk factors (Bigal and Lipton, 2006a; Scher et al., 2008).

Regarding triggers, over 75% of migraineurs written report experiencing specific migraine triggers, the most common of which are stress, missing meals, as well much or as well little sleep, and menstruation (in women: Kelman, 2007). Odors, neck hurting, lite, and alcohol utilise also are reported, though less oftentimes. No single gene acts as a trigger for all migraineurs, and it is rare for a reported trigger to e'er provoke an attack upon exposure. Agreement the causal part of diverse migraine triggers is complicated by a preponderance of retrospective versus prospective studies, the latter of which require considerable experimental control over the individual, trigger manipulation, and other potential triggers (Turner et al., 2013).

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